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International governance of artificial intelligence

International governance of artificial intelligence

Rule Changes

The UN Establishes First Global AI Scientific Body as the US Steps Back

February 13th, 2026: General Assembly Approves Panel Members Over US Objection

Overview

Updated May 29

For the first time, the world has an independent scientific body dedicated to artificial intelligence. On February 13, 2026, the UN General Assembly voted 117-2 to create a three-year panel of 40 experts assessing AI's economic and social impacts. Only the United States and Paraguay opposed—splitting from traditional allies in Europe and Asia.

The panel's creation caps 28 months of diplomacy that began when UN Secretary-General António Guterres convened an AI advisory body in October 2023. The voluntary advisory group has evolved into a formal institution modeled loosely on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), paired with an annual Global Dialogue launching in Geneva in July 2026. The United States calls the panel 'a significant overreach' and has withdrawn from multiple international bodies, refusing to sign the February 2025 Paris AI Summit declaration.

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Key Indicators

117-2
General Assembly Vote
Countries approving the panel versus those opposed (US and Paraguay)
40
Panel Members
Experts appointed from over 2,600 candidates worldwide
3 years
Panel Term
February 2026 through February 2029
2
American Members
Vipin Kumar and Martha Palmer appointed despite US government opposition

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People Involved

Organizations Involved

Timeline

October 2023 February 2026

9 events Latest: February 13th, 2026 · 7 months ago
Tap a bar to jump to that date
  1. General Assembly Approves Panel Members Over US Objection

    Latest Vote

    The 193-member assembly voted 117-2 to appoint 40 experts to the scientific panel. The US and Paraguay voted no; Tunisia and Ukraine abstained.

  2. US Announces IPCC Withdrawal

    Policy

    President Trump announced US withdrawal from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, breaking a bipartisan consensus dating to 1988.

  3. Global Dialogue on AI Governance Launches

    Diplomatic

    The inaugural Global Dialogue convened during UN General Assembly high-level week in New York.

  4. US Declines Paris AI Summit Declaration

    Diplomatic

    The United States and United Kingdom refused to sign a declaration calling for 'open, inclusive, transparent, ethical, safe, secure and trustworthy' AI development. Sixty-one countries signed.

  5. UN Creates Digital Technologies Office

    Institutional

    The Office of Digital and Emerging Technologies (ODET) began operations, tasked with implementing the Global Digital Compact.

  6. Summit of the Future Adopts Global Digital Compact

    Diplomatic

    World leaders at the UN Summit of the Future adopted the Global Digital Compact, committing to establish the Scientific Panel on AI and annual Global Dialogue.

  7. Advisory Body Releases Final Report

    Report

    The High-level Advisory Body published 'Governing AI for Humanity,' recommending creation of an independent scientific panel, global AI dialogue, and dedicated UN AI office.

  8. Guterres Creates First AI Advisory Body

    Institutional

    UN Secretary-General António Guterres convened a 39-member High-level Advisory Body on AI, drawing AI leaders from 33 countries for a 12-month term.

Scenarios

1

Panel Becomes Authoritative Reference Despite US Absence

Likely

Discussed by: Center for Strategic and International Studies; Council on Foreign Relations analysts

The panel produces rigorous annual assessments that become the default reference for AI policy debates worldwide. The EU, China, and other major economies cite its findings when crafting regulations. American researchers participate as individuals, and the panel's work influences global standards that US companies must eventually meet to access international markets—similar to how GDPR shaped global data practices regardless of US regulatory preferences.

2

US Re-engages Under Future Administration

Possible

Discussed by: Brookings Institution; international law scholars

A future US administration reverses course and seeks membership or observer status, similar to past rejoining of international agreements. The panel's three-year term structure allows natural entry points. American academic participation in the interim preserves expertise that could support re-engagement.

3

Panel Fractures Over US-China Tensions

Possible

Discussed by: RAND Corporation; geopolitical risk analysts

Disagreements between Chinese and Western panel members over issues like AI surveillance, military applications, or data governance produce divided reports or parallel conclusions. Without US diplomatic engagement to broker compromises, the panel becomes a venue for great-power competition rather than scientific consensus.

4

Competing Governance Frameworks Fragment Global AI Policy

Uncertain

Discussed by: Atlantic Council; World Economic Forum researchers

The US pursues bilateral AI partnerships with allied nations while the UN panel influences the rest of the world. This produces incompatible regulatory regimes—one centered on American market principles, another on UN-backed multilateral standards, and a third on Chinese state-led governance. Companies face a fragmented compliance landscape with no path to harmonization.

Historical Context

3 moments from history that rhyme with this story — and how they unfolded.

December 1984 and October 2017

US Withdrawal from UNESCO (1984, 2017)

The Reagan administration withdrew from UNESCO in 1984, citing mismanagement and anti-Western bias. The George W. Bush administration rejoined in 2003. The Trump administration withdrew again in 2017 over alleged anti-Israel bias. The Biden administration rejoined in 2023.

Then

Each withdrawal reduced US influence over educational and cultural standard-setting, while the organization continued operating.

Now

The pattern established that US withdrawal from UN bodies is reversible but creates gaps in American participation during formative institutional periods.

Why this matters now

The UNESCO precedent suggests US opposition to the AI panel may not be permanent, but the three-year initial term will establish institutional norms and relationships without American diplomatic participation.

November 1988

Creation of the IPCC (1988)

The United States strongly supported creating the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to assess scientific research on climate change. The Reagan administration helped establish the body through the World Meteorological Organization and UN Environment Programme, viewing scientific consensus as preferable to unilateral national assessments.

Then

The IPCC began producing assessment reports that synthesized climate science for policymakers, with significant US scientific participation and funding.

Now

The IPCC's work provided the evidentiary foundation for the Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement. The US contributed roughly 30% of voluntary IPCC funding over four decades—until withdrawing in January 2026.

Why this matters now

The AI panel is explicitly modeled on the IPCC, but arrives with the opposite US posture: American opposition rather than leadership. This inversion illustrates how dramatically US orientation toward multilateral scientific bodies has shifted.

December 2001

China Joins the World Trade Organization (2001)

After 15 years of negotiations, China joined the WTO with US support, accepting international trade rules in exchange for market access. US policymakers expected WTO membership would integrate China into a rules-based order.

Then

Chinese exports surged and foreign investment flowed in. China became the world's manufacturing hub within a decade.

Now

China selectively adhered to WTO rules while building domestic champions, leading to ongoing trade disputes. The experience shaped US skepticism of international institutions that include China.

Why this matters now

US objections to the AI panel cite concern about 'authoritarian regimes' influencing governance. The WTO experience informs American wariness that multilateral frameworks may not constrain Chinese behavior as intended.

Sources

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